Zelensky urges NATO leaders to lift all limits on striking Russia

MANILA: Shopping malls were filled with heart motifs and red hues, while stalls of pre-arranged bouquets and flowers dotted the streets of Philippine cities on Friday, as Filipinos celebrated Valentine’s Day.

The holiday is rooted in Christian tradition, honoring Saint Valentine, a third-century martyr who was imprisoned and later executed for ministering to persecuted Christians during the Roman Empire, including secretly officiating marriages for Roman soldiers.

In the predominantly Catholic Philippines, mass weddings are commonly held on this day, with local governments offering hundreds of couples the opportunity to marry when traditional weddings may be for some too expensive.

Other government initiatives, including express domestic deliveries brought by singing mailmen of the national post office, have helped Filipinos express affection and make romantic gestures.

The holiday has also become a commercial celebration of romance, with the prices of flowers at popular marketplaces such as the Dangwa market in Manila, nearly doubling. Roses and tulips have spiked to as high as $2 a piece, twice its price last week.

Tina Bautista, a coffee shop owner, has observed how businesses have been impacted by the holiday.

“The Philippines embraces Valentine’s Day. I see restaurants being fully booked, traffic gets heavier, and flower shops have lines of people buying last-minute bouquets. There’s romantic buzz everywhere — from love songs playing in establishments to special promos in cafes and hotels,” she told Arab News.

“One practice that stands out is how businesses get in on the celebration — coffee shops create Valentine’s drinks, malls set up photo booths for couples, and even schools organize Valentine-themed events.”

In the Philippines, men are the ones expected to display love and affection, due to the country’s longstanding courtship traditions.

For Kyle Pelaez, 25, Valentine’s Day is “more of an opportunity to show my appreciation to my partner outside of the daily ways,” he said.

“While we always make it a point to celebrate the occasion, we usually do it not on the day of Feb. 14 itself just to avoid the rush.”

Despite the romantic atmosphere, there are those who feel the social pressure of the holiday.

Justine Poblete, 31, does not see Valentine’s Day as an authentic part of Filipino culture and feels that people only partake in it because of social pressure.

“I think people are celebrating it because other people do. If there is any influence from Filipino culture, I think it’s the fact that women receive more special treatment than men. It’s always men who do romantic gestures,” she said.

“People are pressured to spend whether on gifts or dates … honestly, it can get a bit pressuring. It’s a bit of a shame walking outside with no significant other beside you, or no flowers or gifts in hand. And whether I’m holding a bouquet or not, I still feel awkward and uncomfortable.”

But others see the romanticism of the day.

Philip Juachon, 27, recalled how he used to look for the perfect bouquet for his girlfriend, which “also meant enduring the friendly banter of the people who would see you carrying it.”

While they have been together for 10 years, they always make it to a point to celebrate — if not on Valentine’s Day itself, then on the surrounding days.

“Filipinos are emotionally expressive and love having reasons to celebrate,” he said.

“I think it’s a mix of Filipinos’ love for celebrations, religious influence, and romantic nature. Having a specific day dedicated to love allows us to celebrate and express our affection and appreciation for the people we care about.”

BRUSSELS: Increasingly alarmed that US security priorities lie elsewhere, a group of European countries has been quietly working on a plan to send troops into Ukraine to help enforce any future peace settlement with Russia.
Britain and France are at the forefront of the effort, though details remain scarce. The countries involved in the discussions are reluctant to tip their hand and give Russian President Vladimir Putin an edge should he agree to negotiate an end to the war he launched three years ago.
What is clear is that Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky needs a guarantee that his country’s security will be assured until peace takes hold. The best protection would be the NATO membership that Ukraine has long been promised, but the US has taken that option off the table.
“I won’t get into the particular capabilities, but I do accept that if there is peace then there needs to be some sort of security guarantee for Ukraine and the UK will play its part in that,” British Prime Minister Keir Starmer said in cautious remarks on Thursday.
The Europeans began exploring what kind of force might be needed about a year ago, but the sense of urgency has grown amid concern that US President Donald Trump might go over their heads, and possibly even Ukraine’s, to clinch a deal with Putin.
Many questions remain unanswered but one stands out: what role, if any, might the United States play?
European powers consider the road ahead
In December, after Trump was elected but before he took office, a group of leaders and ministers huddled with Zelensky at NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte’s residence in Brussels. They came from Britain, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Poland. Top European Union officials attended too.
The talks built on an idea promoted by French President Emmanuel Macron in early 2024. At the time his refusal to rule out putting troops on the ground in Ukraine prompted an outcry, notably from the leaders of Germany and Poland.
Macron appeared isolated on the European stage, but his plan has gained traction since.
Still, much about what the force might look like and who will take part will depend on the terms of any peace settlement, and more.
Italy has constitutional limits on the use of its forces. The Netherlands would need a greenlight from its parliament, as would Germany, whose position could evolve after the Feb. 23 elections usher in a new government. Poland is cautious, given lingering animosities with Ukraine that date from World War II.
A robust security force rather than peacekeepers
The makeup and role of the force will be dictated by the kind of peace deal that’s reached. If Russia and Ukraine can agree terms as the negotiations progress, it’s plausible that fewer security precautions and a smaller force would be needed.
But experts and officials warn that, as things stand, the Europeans must deploy a robust and sizeable contingent, rather than a team of peacekeepers like United Nations “blue helmets.”
“It has to be a real force (so) that the Russians know that if they ever tested it that they would get crushed. And you can be sure that Russia will test it,” Ben Hodges, the former Commanding General of US Army Europe, said last month at a European Policy Center think tank event.
“They violate every single agreement. So if we send a force in there, they’ve got to have airpower, large land forces, drones, counter-drones, air and missile defense. All of that,” he said. “If they go in there with a bunch of blue helmets and rifles, they will get crushed.”
Retired French General Dominique Trinquand, a former head of France’s military mission at the United Nations, agreed that UN peacekeepers are better suited “for deployment in zones that are far more stable.”
“For starters, mounting this operation with soldiers taken from across the world would take about a year,” he said.
How big a force?
The nature of the peace deal will determine the size and location of the European contingent. Zelensky has insisted on at least 100,000 to 150,000 troops. Media reports have speculated about a 30,000-40,000 strong force. Diplomats and officials have not confirmed either figure.
Ukraine also wants air support, not just boots on the ground.
What is clear is that the Europeans would struggle to muster a large-scale force, and certainly could not do it quickly.
In an interview on Friday with the Financial Times, Macron said that the idea of deploying a huge force is “far-fetched.”
“We have to do things that are appropriate, realistic, well thought, measured and negotiated,” he said.
US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth insisted this week on “robust international oversight of the line of contact,” a reference to the roughly 1,000-kilometer (600-mile) long front line. The Europeans are reluctant as that would require too many troops.
Nearly all agree that some kind of “American backstop” is essential. European armed forces have long relied on superior US logistics, air transport and other military capabilities.
The US lays down some rules
At NATO headquarters on Wednesday, Hegseth began describing the terms under which the US might agree to a force that would help provide Ukraine with the “robust security guarantees to ensure that the war will not begin again.”
“Any security guarantee must be backed by capable European and non-European troops,” Hegseth told almost 50 of Ukraine’s Western backers. If they go to Ukraine, he said, “they should be deployed as part of a non-NATO mission.”
Putin has said that he launched the invasion in part due to NATO territory expanding too close to Russia’s borders and is unlikely to accept any operation run by the world’s biggest military organization.
Any European allies taking part would not benefit from NATO’s collective security guarantee if they were attacked, Hegseth said. He underlined that “there will not be US troops deployed to Ukraine.”
He did not reveal what role the US might play.
From Ukraine’s perspective, a Europe-only operation simply would not work. “Any security guarantees are impossible without the Americans,” Ukrainian Foreign Minister Sybiha warned on Thursday.